[Insurgents Are Revitalizing the Democratic Party](https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/progressive-insurgency-democratic-party-midterms/tnamp/)

[A progressive wave is testing the Democratic Party](https://www.reuters.com/world/us/progressive-wave-is-testing-democratic-party-2026-08-06/)

[How Progressive Democrats Became Power Players](https://www.wsj.com/podcasts/opinion-potomac-watch/how-progressive-democrats-became-power-players/b092665d-da5b-42ad-b965-28395f53b72c)

[How progressives are taking over swing states – and driving fear into Democratic elites](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/dec/01/progressives-democrats-swing-rust-belt-states)

['We're Proving It Works': Inside the DSA’s Push to Remake the Democratic Party](https://time.com/article/2026/08/20/inside-dsa-reshape-democratic-party/)

Politics is often compared to a pendulum. In the last ten years of the Trump era, where Trump was very much present and still the Republican leader even when not in office during the Biden years, the pendulum has swung all the way to the extreme right.

We’re in the second year of Trump’s MAGA reality. MAGA has full control over all three branches of government. We’ve seen a lot of Project 2025 come into fruition. We’ve lived through masked ICE agents execute immigration policies, brutally and at times fatally.

But now we’re seeing the pendulum swing back the other way, just as hard. We’re seeing a wave of progressive candidates, some who will straight up say they’re DSA like Mamdani and Nixon, and those running on progressivism without being under DSA umbrella like El-Seyed.

People are hurting, badly. People can’t afford basic necessities of life, like food, gas, healthcare, housing. The era of “friends from the other side of the aisle” seems to be over. Do you think we’re witnessing the collapse of the Democratic Party, the collapse of centrism, and the emergence of the Progressive wave?

Specifically, the one-to-many model developed in the 1930s? Central power planta with distribution lines radiating out to every home and business? Is that still efficient and safe? It made absolute sense then and throughout the 20th century because there were no alternatives. But does it still make sense today?

The increasing cost of energy is a prime issue that directly effects everyone, but are those expensive prices a symptom of obsolescence? Is the real energy issue facing us the archiac one-to-many model that has become dangerously obsolete, and trying to prop it up gets more expensive every year, while it gets more dangerous and unreliable every yea?. It was a good way...the only way...to electrify the country in the 1930s, but it isn't working well anymore. Every weather-related disaster results in the loss of power to hundreds of thousands of people, with more effected every passing year. The cumulative daily productivity losses to businesses and the citiizenry are staggering., far beyond the direct damage storms do.

The worst part is that they are avoidable. As the atmosphere gains heat energy, it translates into higher wind speeds in addition to its fire dangers. Those higher wind speeds are exceeding the capacity of distribution lines to withstand them. We need to reduce reliance upon them.

Is a governmental intervention required in the form of a major push subsidizing the conversion to solar power...and most definitely NOT via solar farms that preserve the one-to-many models, with its dangers of an expensively decaying distribution network? Should Instead the push be for rooftop solar, home battery storage, and community-based backu, with a minimum goal as complete energy independence as possibl;e for all residential purposes?

The old fossil fuel powerplants can then supply the data centers, hospitala and heavy industry...and all other heavy demand entities...moving away from relying upon providing residential power supply, reducing the number of overhead distribution lines.

It is a matter of national security to prevent regional blackouts and prevent damage to the national economy. Regional blackouts are far more dangerous in an unstable world, too tempting and too easy to attack the country during such a period with cyber attacks on the remaining regional power grids, or via sleeper cells of terrorists or enemies vs targets of opportunity. Even without outside threats considered, climate change is creating more bad situations more frequently, and the longer it takes to recover the more damage is done to the economy. If every home was energy independent with backup, it would free up repair crews to restore their power far more quickly at lower costs. Every day shaved from major outages is a day less drag on the economy. And that isn't even considering the benefits to the citizenry. It would also help mitigate the CO2 problems a bit.

So is investing in energy independence and resilience a good choice?

In 2022, the circumstances of the midterms parallel 2026, where inflation was elevated, consumers were griping, an overseas war was impacting gas prices and voters seemingly were poised to throw out the incumbent party from power in Congress. Yet, surprisingly, Democrats had a quite decent election, keeping the House loss to the GOP narrow and even picking up a seat in the Senate to retain control of the chamber.

A hidden factor in that election was that of those Biden voters of 2020 who disapproved of him, a significant percentage still backed the Democrats, despite telling pollsters that the economy and politics were terrible. This result kept what once were optimistic Republican gains to a minimum and it could happen in the reverse in 2026.

It's possible that most of those who voted for Trump in 2024, but now disapprove of him, may not like the circumstances heading into the midterms, but will nonetheless vote for Republicans, because 1) they did so in the past, 2) the tossup map is on Red terrain, 3) the flaws about Trump aren't transferable to those other candidates. So, what might have been a blue wave becomes a trickle and the GOP at least retains the Senate, potentially comfortably.

What is likelihood of such an outcome? How to reconcile with how 2026 is comparable to 2022? Are polls overstating Democrats support, particularly the crossover vote of red to blue? What is your prediction of the midterm results?

Many in the West suspected and President Trump hoped for a Flavio Bolosanro win in Brazil and prevent Lula from securing a 4th term. Recently, Flavio had been polling ahead of Lula and during the First Run secured a higher percentage of voters. Results tonight indicate the majority of Brazilians had their own preference.

What does Lula's victory indicate about the people of Brazil and the future of their economic reforms to elevate people out of poverty and foreign relations towards the United States?

Lula wins fourth term as Brazil president after historic upset over far-right Flávio Bolsonaro | Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva | The Guardian

I see a lot of comments here that seem to equate democracy and liberalism (e.g. calling something with popular support in a country a threat to democracy because it infringes on rights). I wanted to break out the actual popular will part. How important is it to you?

Does it matter how the will of the people comes about? For example, if a populace has been fed a steady stream of propaganda, is that will still valid? Is there a meaningful difference between that and an internal campaign of social-engineering as was quite common in the early/mid twentieth centuries?

A government faces a recurring dilemma. If it tightens restriction to secure order, it raises the probability that grievance, elite defection, digital coordination, and external sponsorship will produce rebellion—or a punitive successor regime. If it loosens restriction to preserve liberty, it raises the probability that insecurity, polarization, corruption, and organized capture will generate public demand for a strongman—or allow a faction to seize the state.

This is not a simple tradeoff between order and liberty, because citizens’ preferences are partly endogenous: fear can be manufactured, trust depleted, and emergency powers ratcheted. State capacity is asymmetric: coercion and surveillance are easier to build than impartial justice and accountable security. Crises reward speed over consent and create path dependence. Elites and security forces can defect under either course. Information abundance empowers demagogues and foreign manipulation; information control hides corruption and radicalizes excluded groups. Liberalizing too fast invites capture; liberalizing too slowly invites revolt. The “safe zone,” if it exists, is not a fixed midpoint but a moving corridor sustained by legitimacy, capacity, credible constraints, and sequencing.

The dilemma’s core is a pair of feedback loops. The repression loop runs: insecurity → demand for control → surveillance and restriction → grievance, elite defection, and coordination → more insecurity → more control. The liberalization loop runs: opening → insecurity and polarization → demand for a strongman or factional capture → illiberal correction. Each loop can become self-reinforcing, and the tools used to stabilize one failure mode can create the other.

The moral question is therefore not whether to choose order or liberty, but how a government can build enough capacity to protect citizens, enough constraint to prevent tyranny, enough openness to correct error, and enough sequencing to survive crises—without letting the instruments of stabilization become either a repression ratchet or a gateway to authoritarian capture. The difficulty is that these goods are mutually dependent yet asymmetrically costly: capacity without constraint becomes predation; constraint without capacity becomes paralysis; openness without sequencing becomes capture; sequencing without openness becomes irreversible emergency.

So here’s my question: How do governments balance state power and individual freedom without spiraling into either tyranny or chaos, and is it even possible to maintain that balance over time?

In American politics, acknowledging a mistake can be portrayed as weakness, while refusing to concede an error can be presented as strength. This creates a potential problem for democratic accountability: if politicians face little cost from their own supporters for misleading statements or unsupported accusations, what incentive do they have to correct the record?

Recent controversies involving Donald Trump, former special counsel Jack Smith, and Senator Eric Schmitt illustrate this tension. In one Senate hearing, Schmitt challenged Smith over whether he attended an Atlanta Hawks game, but the exchange turned on a mix-up with an Iowa Hawkeyes game. When confronted with his mistake, the Senator just doubled down.

The episode raises questions about how public officials respond when an accusation does not hold up as presented.

Political loyalty is not unique to one party, and politicians across the spectrum have incentives to avoid admitting errors. But the consequences may be especially serious when supporters treat criticism of their preferred leader as an attack on their own political identity.

What actually holds politicians accountable when their own party's voters won't punish them for refusing to admit mistakes? Are elections enough, or do the press, congressional oversight, courts, and internal party dissent play a more important role?

I recently came across this article about a proposed New Jersey bill that would restrict access to police bodycam footage for commercial purposes, particularly YouTube channels that post arrests and other police encounters for views.

The transparency advocate interviewed in the article is concerned, however, that restricting access could make it harder for journalists and the public to uncover police misconduct. They also argue that footage can reveal problems that wouldn’t otherwise come to light, and that allowing the government to decide what gets released defeats the purpose of bodycams.

I’ve been trying to think of what compromise between maintaining public transparency without violating people’s privacy rights would look like since I see both sides of the argument.

So I have tried to come up with a reasonable solution. I think automatically making footage public whenever there’s a police shooting, death in custody, death of an arrestee or bystander, or allegation of excessive force. Police departments should be required to release it within 30 days, regardless of whether the officer’s actions were justified. I’d also include arrests involving public figures.

For everything else, footage could only be publicly released with the arrestee’s permission or with their face and voice obscured, unless the requester can demonstrate a legitimate public interest in releasing it unredacted.

After all, isn’t the main public interest in bodycams holding police accountable, particularly when they use force? I am not sure what the public interest is served by posting someone’s embarrassing DUI arrest or mental health crisis on YouTube for entertainment and is a clear abuse of records requests imo.

Obviously, there would need to be protections for victims and minors, and an independent way to challenge decisions to withhold footage.

Would this be a fair compromise, or do you think restricting access in any way would make it harder to hold police accountable?

I came across some research that I think deserves a much bigger conversation.

Here's the infographic showing what the numbers actually look like:

https://imgur.com/a/3kpJ3Xh

We spend an awful lot of time debating who deserves help and how much it costs. What we don't talk about nearly enough is what happens when those investments actually pay off.

The Congressional Budget Office projected in 2024 that increased immigration would add $8.9 trillion to the U.S. economy over 10 years and reduce federal deficits by about $900 billion compared with a lower-immigration scenario.

Research on the Perry Preschool program found a 7–10% annual social return on investment. That includes benefits like higher earnings and lower crime. The IMF has also found that well-designed infrastructure investments can increase economic growth and employment.

Think about what that means. More people earning money, spending money, starting businesses, and contributing to their communities. Those benefits don't just stop with the people receiving the help.

Of course, not every program works, and we absolutely should be asking whether taxpayers are getting a good return.

What doesn't make sense to me is treating every dollar spent helping someone as though it's automatically a dollar wasted.

We understand the value of investing when we're talking about businesses, roads, and buildings. Why should investing in people be viewed any differently?

I'm curious how others think we should weigh these long-term economic benefits against the immediate costs of public policies. Are we putting enough emphasis on the actual return on investment when deciding what to fund and what to cut?

Sources: Congressional Budget Office (2024), International Monetary Fund (2020), and Heckman et al. (2010).

The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) is one of the few "must-pass" bills in Congress, making it a primary vehicle for major policy shifts. Recently, this has included bipartisan efforts to mandate government transparency regarding Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAP).

In 2023, the Senate passed the Schumer-Rounds UAP Disclosure Act, modeled on the JFK Records Act, which aimed to create an independent review board with subpoena power to declassify records. However, during the closed-door conference process to reconcile the House and Senate versions of the NDAA, these core enforcement provisions were stripped out by committee leadership without a public vote or debate.

A similar scenario is unfolding for the FY2027 NDAA. Representative Eric Burlison (R-MO) successfully added a strong UAP Disclosure Act to the House-passed version. It is now heading into the same closed-door reconciliation process run by the Armed Services and Intelligence committees.

This raises broader questions about congressional procedure and executive oversight:

• How should Congress balance legitimate national security concerns with the public’s right to transparency?
• Does the opacity of the NDAA conference committee process give a handful of committee leaders too much power to override bipartisan transparency measures?
• Why has this specific issue drawn such intense pushback from defense and intelligence leadership compared to other declassification efforts?

Inspired from this video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=axRhjqd-rus

China's 'Promotion Tournament' system describes the system where local politicians are evaluated, graded, and promoted/demoted based on how well they did in following certain measurable criteria, such as GDP growth in their local province. This system is credited in large part for China's economic miracle and modern development (1), as it created a strong incentive for local politicians to institute policies that encouraged local development and investment that boosted GDP growth in their localities.

Initially, the sole criterion politicians were measured on was just "GDP growth," which while not a perfect criterion and vulnerable to abuse, the results appear to be nonetheless hugely impactful, with China consistently maintaining over 7%+ GDP growth nearly every year from the late 1970s (when it was first implemented) and 2015, often reaching 10%+ GDP growth in a year (2).

Could and should a similar system be implemented in the West, where voters elect experts to evaluate, grade, and promote/demote politicians based on their achievements in specific measurable criteria?

I live in Texas, and I've been looking into how much we're spending on immigration enforcement and what we're actually getting in return. Some of these numbers surprised me.

Texas appropriated $3.35 billion for border security in 2026–27, on top of federal enforcement spending funded by taxpayers nationwide. The federal government also approved $7.5 billion to reimburse Texas for earlier border-security expenses. So even Americans living nowhere near the border help fund these costs.

Here's another interesting number. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office projected that increased immigration would generate $1.2 trillion in additional federal revenue from 2024 to 2034, while increasing spending and interest costs by approximately $300 billion. That's a projected $900 billion reduction in federal deficits.

Of course, those projections are about immigration's economic effects, not a direct measure of enforcement spending.

I understand immigration enforcement has public safety and legal objectives. I'm interested in how we determine whether the benefits justify what we're spending, especially when we consider immigrants' economic contributions.

I put together an infographic with the numbers and sources:

https://imgur.com/a/MWEergn

What measurable benefits would convince you we're getting our money's worth?

Sources:

- "Texas Legislative Budget Board" (https://www.lbb.texas.gov/documents/publications/fiscal_sizeup/fiscal_sizeup.pdf)

- "Texas Comptroller" (https://comptroller.texas.gov/about/media-center/news/20260921-texas-comptroller-huffines-announces-75-billion-border-reimbursement-calls-it-step-one-in-repaying-texas-1789754054460)

- "Congressional Budget Office" (https://www.cbo.gov/publication/60165)

JD Vance is widely seen as a potential successor to Donald Trump in 2028, but his involvement in a nasty Ohio political controversy is raising questions about his judgment.

Republican gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy's campaign produced a $4 million attack ad featuring Amy Acton's estranged mother calling her daughter a lifelong liar.

The disturbing background: Acton says she was sexually abused as a child by her stepfather, who was charged with rape but fled Ohio before trial. Her mother stayed with him, and Acton hasn't seen her in nearly 50 years.

Even prominent Republicans, including Nikki Haley and Ohio Governor Mike DeWine, condemned the ad. But Vance defended Ramaswamy and criticized Republicans who complained about it.

Meanwhile, Vance has faced difficult questions over the Iran war, ICE deportations and allegations involving the Trump administration.

Here's the debate: Is Vance demonstrating the loyalty and political toughness that MAGA voters expect, or is defending such personal attacks damaging his credibility beyond Trump's base?

And looking ahead to 2028, should Republicans prioritize loyalty to Trump or a candidate capable of establishing an independent political identity?

Full story: https://americareport.us/jd-vance-2028-ohio-scandal-tests-trumps/

Donald Trump is crisscrossing America aboard Air Force One in the final stretch before the November 3 midterms, with control of Congress hanging in the balance.

His approval rating has dropped to 32%, according to CNN, while 67% disapprove. Meanwhile, Elon Musk has reportedly contributed $366 million this election cycle, and Trump-aligned political groups are spending hundreds of millions more.

Trump is promising Americans $5,000 if Republicans win, warning of another Great Depression under Democrats, and linking government benefits to Republican victories.

Yet voters remain frustrated over rising living costs, the Iran war, controversial ICE operations and questions about the administration's priorities.

The debate: Can record campaign spending and Trump's aggressive messaging overcome his low approval ratings? Or have the midterms become a referendum on his presidency rather than simply a battle for Congress?

Full story: https://americareport.us/trump-midterm-crisis-can-he-save-republicans/

I've worked on campaigns across more than a dozen states, and one thing I've become increasingly skeptical of is the attention we give undecided voters in October.

By this point in an election cycle, most people have developed fairly established political preferences. Yet campaigns, pollsters, and political commentators continue to devote an enormous amount of attention to the relatively small group of voters who describe themselves as undecided.

But being undecided in a survey isn't necessarily the same as being genuinely persuadable. Some respondents lean strongly toward one candidate, others may be unlikely to vote at all, and some haven't yet decided whether they'll participate.

I think we sometimes conflate three very different questions: Who hasn't chosen a candidate? Who could still change their mind? And who will actually show up to vote?

I'm interested in how others interpret the research on late-deciding voters.

How much evidence is there that genuinely undecided voters meaningfully change election outcomes in the final weeks? And do we spend too much time focusing on persuasion at the expense of understanding turnout?

Trump’s exchanges with reporters have repeatedly included personal insults and confrontational remarks. This week, he told Andrew Feinberg of The Independent, “I don’t know who the hell you are, but you better be careful.” Minutes later, he added, “Quiet, quiet! What’s wrong with you? Are you a sick person? I actually think there’s something wrong with you.”

Normally, these exchanges end and the press conference moves on.

But consider a reporter responding with a question like this:

“Mr. President, Americans across the country heard your remarks to Andrew Feinberg. Some found them threatening and inappropriate coming from the president. You’re a public servant who represents all Americans. How would you respond to those who believe your words and behavior fall below the standards they should expect from your office?”

The reporter then waits for an answer, with other journalists free to follow up.

Would this be a legitimate exercise of journalistic accountability, or would it cross the line into advocacy?

Could such an exchange influence public expectations of presidential conduct, or would it reinforce existing divisions and tensions between the White House and the press?

And what professional risks or responsibilities would reporters and news organizations need to consider?

At a campaign rally in North Carolina, Donald Trump promised compensation for victims of toxic water contamination at Camp Lejeune — but tied the payments to Republicans winning the November 3 midterms.

"If we don't win, there's no money. If we do win, you're getting it," Trump told supporters.

He's also promised Americans $5,000 payments if Republicans retain control of Congress and linked a proposed $100 million investment in Kentucky to a Republican victory.

Critics call it an abuse of presidential power. Supporters argue he's simply explaining what Republicans intend to deliver if they win.

Where is the line between legitimate campaign promises and using government money to pressure voters? Should compensation for sick veterans ever be tied to an election outcome?

https://americareport.us/trump-election-promises-cash-only-if-republicans/

In international law, should nations be permanently bound by the treaties they sign to ensure stability and trust (the principle of pacta sunt servanda), or should they be legally allowed to modify, withdraw from, or dissolve treaties when significant, unforeseen changes in historical, political, or geopolitical circumstances render those agreements obsolete (the principle of rebus sic stantibus)?"

your Opinions are needed!

I've noticed that throughout the debates over illegal immigration and efforts by ICE to detain and deport those in America illegally, almost all the responses from those who live in other nations don't really seem to think removing those illegally present in their country as much of a big deal at least as a public commotion/outrage that occurs in the US.

While those who live in other nations may or may not approve of the tactics of American immigration enforcement, I rarely hear them say anything crosswise about the objective to remove those illegally present in their state regardless of sympathies or circumstances. If a student overseas his visa in France or a job hunter can't find legal work in Japan, they are deported with almost no public outcry as compared with how American media portrays the same situation, much less toward actual criminals or lawbreakers.

What do you make of the difference in how Americans and those who live in other countries respond to the policy of deporting those who reside in their national illegally? Is it just the volume of illegals present in any particular nation? How do their views shape how much concern the response should be to these immigration enforcement actions?

Another corruption controversy is unfolding inside Donald Trump's inner circle — and this time, the president himself has ordered an investigation.

Former Kennedy Center president and longtime Trump adviser Ric Grenell is facing allegations involving a missing $5.6 million donation and a purported promise of VIP access to the White House.

According to Axios, Turkish billionaire Turhan Mildon allegedly arranged a $17.6 million transfer to a Texas defense company, with $5.6 million supposedly intended for the Kennedy Center. But the institution reportedly never received the donation. Financial records indicate the transfer originated from the Democratic Republic of Congo's Finance Ministry.

The scandal erupted after Mildon's wife, former Trump attorney Alina Habba, reportedly confronted the president in the Oval Office and accused Grenell of stealing the money.

Grenell categorically denies the allegations, including the authenticity of a text message allegedly offering access to Trump in exchange for the donation. No wrongdoing has been established.

Meanwhile, a recent Washington Post/ABC/Ipsos poll found that 66% of Americans believe Trump is using the presidency for personal enrichment.

What do you think? Is this another example of a pay-to-play culture surrounding Washington's political elite, or are the allegations too contradictory to draw any conclusions? And should there be an independent investigation rather than an internal White House inquiry?

https://americareport.us/ric-grenell-scandal-trump-adviser-faces-probe/

France’s colonial history extended across Africa, Asia, and other regions, creating political, economic, and cultural relationships that continued after independence.
Today, France has significant populations with ancestral connections to its former colonies. Immigration, national identity, religious integration, and discrimination remain subjects of political debate.

To what extent can these contemporary issues be traced to France’s colonial history?

How much influence do colonial-era policies, migration patterns, and historical relationships continue to have on modern French society?

Are there comparable patterns in other former colonial powers, such as Britain, Belgium, or Portugal?

What historical evidence supports or challenges the argument that former colonial powers continue to experience the long-term political and social consequences of their expansion?

US midterm elections can change control of Congress while leaving the president in office. In an ongoing military conflict, that separates changing the legislative majority from changing who directs military operations.

Congress can influence policy by authorizing force, deciding appropriations, imposing statutory restrictions and conducting oversight. A new majority in either chamber can change committee priorities and the scrutiny an administration faces, but passing legislation generally requires both chambers and the president's signature, or enough votes to override a veto.

Each tool carries its own political costs. Hearings can expose weaknesses in a policy without producing agreement on an alternative. Funding restrictions can create leverage, but lawmakers may disagree over their effects on deployed personnel, allies and ongoing negotiations. Members who oppose the president's strategy can easily split over which constraints to support.

The electoral mandate can also be ambiguous. Voters backing the same opposition candidate may favor withdrawal, negotiation or a more aggressive campaign. A loss for the president's party can show dissatisfaction without showing support for any particular replacement policy.

Under what conditions is a change in congressional control most likely to produce a substantive change in war policy? And what makes oversight or funding leverage effective instead of symbolic, particularly when a new majority believes the current strategy is failing but disagrees on what should replace it?

Although both modern democracy and ancient democracy define democracy as a system where the power to govern should not rest in the hands of a few elites, but rather in the hands of the major citizens, when facing specific conditions such as an explicit justification and prior approval, the principle of majority rule can be set aside in modern democracy. Although it prevents the rights of minority citizens from being ignored, this also leads to a question on what does the so called “explicit justification and prior approval" actually mean?

One of the biggest issues of ancient democracy is its majority tyranny. Although ancient Athens emphasized the need for all citizens to participate in politics, political participation was often driven by the pursuit of self interests, which often led to the sacrifice of minority interests. In this case, modern democracy introduces additional conditions to guard the rights of minorities, thereby reducing the happening of majority tyranny. However, under what circumstances should the rights of the majority be prevailed, and under what circumstances should the rights of minorities become a priority?

Taking the Republic of China’s Legislative Yuan passing laws and bills that legalized same sex marriage in 2019 as an example: although the majority voted against same sex marriage during the 2018 referendum, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of China stated that the referendum results were unconstitutional, since it violated both the constitutional right to marriage and the principles of equality, therefore resulting the 2018 referendum results being invalid. This case demonstrates that when an issue potentially causes harm to others, it may provide justification for setting aside majority rule, similar to John Stuart Mill’s “harm principle”. Therefore, whether the harm principle can be considered as the so called “explicit justification and prior approval”?

On Nov 3, millions of Americans will cast ballots for various important political offices, chiefly the Federal House of Representatives and Senate, and several Governor races

As of today polling seems to indicate that the Republicans are not going to have a great election cycle... but polls have been wrong before.

So, questions

* If the Democrats do worse than currently forecast, where will the fingers be pointed?

* If the Democrats do as well or better than currently forecast, same question?

* Assuming that the Democrats do well enough to at least claim the House, what conspiracy theories will be floated by the Trump Administration to explain their loss?

While political polarization can cause political fatigue, which leads towards a political depolarization, it doesn't mean that there isn't a possibility of the recurrence of political polarization. Taking Germany as an example: although Germany used to have political polarization in the early 20th century, which shifted towards depolarization after the reunification of East Germany and West Germany in the late 20th century, the resurgence of political polarization has shown up again due to the rise of extreme right and extreme left political parties. Therefore, is there a cyclical relationship between political polarization and depolarization?

Also, while communication is often considered as the best way to solve political polarization, its effectiveness in mitigating political polarization is considered low due to the fact that people tend to have a self defensive action on their own thoughts during a communication. Based on this concept, as well as if a cyclical relationship truly exists between political polarization and depolarization, whether communications between people with different political ideologies is still considered necessary, or should we just let the cycle to transform naturally by itself?