CHAPTER FOUR

ORIGINS OF THE ABOH KINGDOM

Aboh traditions say that the founders of the kingdom emigrated from Benin following the death of Oba Ozolua. According to a very common version1, one of the late Oba’s sons named Essumei Ukwu contended for the vacant Benin throne against the wishes of the king-makers Essumei Ukwu was however advised by his mother to abandon the contest and flee the country, as she sensed that the prince and his supporters would lose in the armed conflict already brewing A medicine woman of renown, she provided Essumei Ukwu with a bow and a set of charmed arrows (nkplshi), an ite omumu - a medicine intended to bring about a rapid growth in population, - and a charmed dog, (nkita uku mail uzo). The duty of the dog was to seek out the arrows, and wherever the last arrow landed, was to be Essumei Ukwu's new kingdom Along with his brothers, Ozoma, Osimili and Oputa, Essumei Ukwu left Benin.

The expedition which Included a large following, set out in a south-easterly direction. At Ogwuashi-Ukwu the princes turned west along the River Adofi, and made a first stop-over at Ossissa. In the meanwhile the arrow shot just before the expedition set out had landed at Afor. When, however, the train got prepared to leave, Osimili decided to stay behind, and accordingly started a new settlement at Ossissa. The expedition set out, and succeeded in locating the first arrow at Afor, but Etim, one of the 'brother' princes, decided to found his own settlement at Afor. Before the others left, however, the medicinal pot (ite omumu) accidentally broke, resulting in a population explosion at Afor. The expedition was therefore constrained to depart without the medicine intended for use in their final destination. Another stop was made at Ashaka, from where a third arrow was shot, but as had been the experience until now, one of the leaders, this time prince Ozoma Ukwu, decided to remain at Ashaka.

Essumei Ukwu and Oputa were thus left to continue the search for the last of the charmed arrows. The arrow that had been shot at Ashaka touched down at Enu Oko, a short distance from Ashaka, but shortly before Oko was reached Oputa turned west to found the town of Ozoro. The last arrow shot at Enu Oko landed at Ugboko Ukwu (large forest), some four miles north-west of the present city of Aboh. The remnant of the emigrants from Benin under the leadership of Essumei Ukwu trailed the dog to the Ase Creek where it was found neoessary to cross the river to the left bank. Whilst contemplating what to do, the Iwele, a people whose home lay on the Ase9 appeared on the scene, and offered to ferry the Aboh across. Away from the other members of the group, the Iwele repeatedly capsized the canoes on the signal gbaml voko which meant "let water into the canoe". The Aboh, who were as yet unused to water, drowned. After several trips, Essumei Ukwu became apprehensive. He had been assured of the safety of his followers on the opposite bank, but no matter how hard he listened, he could not hear any sound from them. Essumei thereupon ordered the Iwele to stop ferrying his men, and himself, commenced sounding the edge of the river for anything that could assist them to get to the opposite bank. At one stage, he announced to his followers that he had struck a snag either side of which was lined by a swarm of tiny crayfish which the Aboh call lcugu. On this, what was left of the group crossed the Ase river. Once on the safety of the left bank, the group was struck by a sudden splash, and almost immediately, one manatee (amei). after the other, surfaced to greet their bewildered gaze. It was only then that the people realized that they had crossed the river on the back of manatees which had linked themselves mouth to tail in order to assist the helpless Aboh. Overwhelmed with gratitude, Essumei produced a charm (lkpal) and swore by it, that as long as his descendants lived, none should kill or eat the manatee and crayfish. Led by the dog, the Aboh commenced the trek along the Ofobo road to Ugboko Ukwu where the arrow had landed. The Journey took them through the villages of Edoagirlga which was Inhabited by the Ibredeni and another Akarai village called Ugbene. At Ugboko Ukwu the dog stopped by the arrow, and here Essumei instructed his followers to clear sites for their new homes. To the south, lay the town of Aboh, inhabited by the Akarai people. Once comfortably settled in their new home, the Aboh in co-operation with the Ashaka mounted an expedition against the Iwele, in revenge for the drowning of their men during the so-called gbami yoko incident. The Iwele villages were burnt and the population decimated. A few, who managed to escape, fled west to Join the Isoko, while others later made their peace with Aboh and settled in their midst. The victorious Aboh sacked the Ibredeni village of Edoagirlga, and could have subjected Ugbene to the same fate, but for the intercession of Ozoma of Ashaka. Once his restraining influence left the scene, the Aboh attacked Ugbene and dispersed its inhabitants. One of the wives of the Ugbene chief succeeded in fleeing to Onitsha waterside where she gave birth to Ubediagana. The latter would avenge the destruction of his father's village in a series of contests with the Aboh.

Aboh efforts to destroy the village of Ugbama were however repelled. Recourse was finally had to the famous Aro Chukwu oracle, and from this god, the Aboh received a charm the main ingredient of which was a bundle of palm-fruit placed on a bamboo platform, (akpata) by the river side. The charm produced the desired effect. The Ugbama chief suddenly emigrated with his subjects to Umuolu where they constitute the sector of Ugbama. Frightened by the proximity of such a warlike people, the Akarai invited the Ubu as the present Aboh were then called to a peace parley, where a treaty of friendship was to be concluded, (igide aka). Essumel Ukwu sent for Ozoma Ukwu, who came in from Ashaka, and advised that the Aboh sould go to the peace talks with their weapons concealed in a mat (ekiri), and draped with palm fronds to appear like a deity. On the appointed day, both sides assembled, and the host chief of the Akarai, after a long speech on the advantages on peaceful co-existence, produced the Akarai gods which were sworn to. When the turn of the Aboh came, they produced the concealed weapons, and upon the signal amonoto, it was cut open, and each Aboh promptly picked up a matchet. A massacre ensued, in which the bewildered and unarmed Akarai were killed in large numbers. Many fled south to settle in Akaria Aboh, and Akarai Eti while others moved far nortn up the Niger river to Akarai Atani and Akarai Ogidi.

The Aboh abandoned their original settlement at Ugboko ukwu and promptly moved into the deserted city of Aboh. For sometime after, the Aboh sent tribute of choice fish to Ozoma at Ashaka whom the traditions say was older than Essumei Ukwu. The fish was however always found to be decomposed after the long journey from Aboh. Ozoma therefore ordered Essumei to cease paying tribute to him and assume full sovereignty of his own settlement* The Aboh thereupon set Essumei up as Obi or king and the kingdom of Aboh came into existence.

Oba Ozolua (ca. 1481–1504) and Esigie (ca. 1504–1550): Igbo Emigration from the Benin Empire

Unlike Ewuare, Oba Ozolua and Esigie feature prominently in the oral tradi tions of some Western Igbo and others who emigrated from the Benin Empire to settle in parts of Igboland. The most documented accounts are those of the Umuchima clan, which give detailed information on their leaders, the places they settled, and their encounter with the autochonous inhabitants of their settlements.

The traditions of the Umuchima clan claim that they emigrated from a place called “Ado na Idu,” probably located in the borderland between the Bini-Igbo areas that had become tributaries of the Benin Empire. Aboh tra ditions maintain that the emigrations occurred during the reign of Ozolua (c. 1481–c.1504), while the Onitsha version asserts that the emigrations took place when Oba Esigie (c.1504–c.1550) was in power. These con flicting accounts suggest that there was no single exodus of the Umuchima clan from Ado na Idu, but different population movements, which probably began during the reign of Ozolua and continued during that of Esigie. In fact, A. Ryder’s work shows that Ozolua was killed during a mutiny of his war-weary soldiers, who were engaged in a protracted military invasion of the Uromi of Ishan. It is, then, likely that the conquest and destruction of Ado na Idu that began during his reign was completed by his successor. It is noteworthy that each one of the population movements is said to have been led by Chima, the putative head of the Umuchima clan, even though the Aboh version claims that he died at Agbor, while the Onitsha account states that he passed away at Illah. The contradictory accounts are understandable in light of the fact that the myth of Chima provided a validation charter for each group, helping it to justify its ancestry from the powerful Benin Empire.

The reasons given for the emigrations of the Umuchima clan also vary. According to the Aboh version, Chima was their ruler during the period when a fierce succession struggle over the Obaship of Benin ensued between him and Ozolua. After his defeat, Chima and his supporters fled from Ado na Idu, founding the Osisa, Obetim, and Ashaka communities of western Igboland, while a majority of the refugees settled in the town of Aboh on the Niger.

J. Egharevba affirmed that the Onitsha emigrated from the Benin Empire during the reign of Oba Esigie, but he did not provide any reasons for their emigration. Onitsha traditions, however, offer three different reasons why the Umuchima fled from Ado na Idu. The first reason is similar to the Aboh ver sion, although the succession dispute is said to have involved Chima and Esigie. The second is associated with a civil strife that broke out after some Onitsha people seized and beat up Esigie’s mother, who had gone to their farmland to gather firewood. The Oba, who was said to have been out raged by the incident, sent Gbunmara, his military commander, to invade Ado na Idu, and after many battles the Onitsha capitulated and fled from their homeland. The third reason for their flight, recorded by G. Basden, claims that Chima and his people had revolted against the arbitrary authority of Esigie by refusing to pay him tributes and levies. The Onitsha were also said to have ignored the 21-day period of mourning and fasting Esigie had imposed on his empire to mark the death of his daughter.

Unlike the Aboh account, the Onitsha claim that Chima and his sup porters moved in different directions (Map 4.1). A few of them emigrated south of Ado na Idu and settled at Obio. A majority emigrated to Onicha Ugbo, where they subdivided into two groups. One group moved northward to Onicha Ukwu, Ukunzu, and Obamkpa, while the other groups continued their movement, founding Isele Ukwu, Isele Asagba, and Isele Mkpitime. Some members of the group continued moving southward, founding Onicha Ulonna and Ezi, while others settled at Illah, where Chima is said to have died. It was from Illah that some of the descendants of Chima were trans ported by canoe to Onitsha by Igala fishermen, called Ulutu or Ngbkeleke, who had established a camp in the town.

Oguta, Egbuoma, and Omoku Examples

In addition to the Onitsha, the Oguta, a branch of the Umuchima clan, claim that their eponymous ancestors lived at Illah, including Ekenyi, Ugwunta, and Inyi. But their settlement was sacked and ravaged by the Igala and Aboh people, who, during a war that raged between them, invaded the Oguta section of Illah accusing its ruler of taking gifts from them without arranging a truce to end the war.

Besides the Umuchima clan, there are some communities located outside the Niger and its tributaries that associate their progenitors with the Ado na Idu emigration. For example, the founders of the Umuezeala village of Egbuoma trace their ancestry to the Aboh emigrants from Ado na Idu, while the Omoku of Ahoada maintain that their progenitors were among those who emigrated from Ado na Idu during the “Oguaro/Ewuare war.”

Impact of the Ado na Idu Emigrations: The Conquest and Displacement of Indigenous Communities

Researchers have paid little attention to the “conquistador and Machiavellian culture” of the Umuchima warriors and its impact on the autochthonous Igbo communities they encountered in their new settlements. Although traditions do not provide much information on the kinds of weapons the warriors car ried during their emigration, they probably possessed guns, spears, poisonous arrows, and other weapons used in the Benin Empire. Thus, as they moved, the warriors were said to have ravaged and “plundered all that stood on their way,” acquiring the name “Onicha” (lit. snatchers).

In Onitsha town itself, the Benin emigrants fought the autochthonous Oze and took over their land. They also engaged in wars during their expansionist period with the neighboring communities of Obosi, Awkuzu, and Ogidi. Similarly, when the Benin emigrants arrived in Aboh, they found out that the town was occupied by Akri, who were said to be versed in fishing, riverain trade, and transportation. Their warriors fought and chased away the Akiri from Aboh, leading to their emigration and settlement in three different loca tions on the Niger: Akri-Ugidi, Akri-Uteri, and Akri-Utani. The rulers of Aboh continued to assert their control over the Akri in their new settlements, forcing them to pay tributes to “their former conquerors.”

The experiences of the Awa, who constituted the indigenous Igbo inhabi tants of Oguta, were similar to those of the Akri. The Oguta were in dire need of a permanent place of settlement after they had fled from Illah and taken refuge in an obscure place on the Orashi River called Obodo Akpuruekwe. It, however, happened that one of the Oguta settlers called Eneke Otutu, who had gone on a fishing expedition, suddenly rowed into the Oguta Lake, which he reasoned would be an ideal place for his people to settle. The fish erman contacted the priestly chief of Awa, requesting for a piece of land to be allocated to his people. The priestly chief is said to have contacted the heads of nearby communities like Obeagwa and Obutu to consider Eneke’s request, and after giving their consent, they asked the immigrants to con fine themselves to the land allocated to them. Eneke then returned home and enthusiastically told the Oguta about the wonders of the new land he had acquired for them. They gave him a heroic reception and called him “Eneka OkaItutu” (lit. Eneke the Great). But when the Oguta began to move to their new home, their warriors were in a war mood:

Each village was in its canoes and military leaders were playing war dances (ekeleke). The sight of so many warriors frightened the Awa people. They fled, and their [chief] was killed and buried on the spot his throne...was erected.

The settlers also killed many other Awa people and chased away the survivors to a distance of about 15 miles from their homeland. Eneke Otutu then took over the palace of the priestly chief of Awa (Ukpo Awa), where he was installed as the ruler of Oguta (Eze Igwe).

The Overthrow of Existing Political Authorities: The Oraifite, Ozubulu, Ihembosi, Ihiala, and Ohaffia

Examples Similarly, in other communities where the emigrants from the Benin Empire settled, they plotted or used their weapons to overthrow the existing political authorities. For example, oral traditions of the Oraifite claim that an exiled prince of Aboh called Anumanu, who belonged to the Umuchima clan, and his supporters took refuge in their community after losing a succession strug gle to the throne. They initially settled near the Ibolo tree in Unodu village, forming its Ibolo section. But shortly after their arrival, a border skirmish broke out between their host village and Ezumeri, another village in Oraifite. TheIbolo took advantage of this situation and settled their armed “flute men” (ndi negbu opi) along the disputed border area of the two villages to restore peace among them. They then moved over to Ezumeri, dethroned its sacred authority holder (Isi Obi), and usurped the traditional rulership of the town for many decades. Their political dominance was, however, undermined in 1976 when the community opted for a rotatory system of chiefship among its major lineage groups.46 As in Oraifite, the arrival of immigrants from Aboh called Dara and Dioha Mburuzo, who were said to be two brothers, and their settlement among the autochthonous population of Ihiala and Ihembosi, respectively, brought political changes to both communities. The two brothers, who claimed that they were members of the Benin royal family, maintained that they “ran away from Benin...after failing to secure the vacant stool of the Oba.”

But after some time, Dara contacted Dioha to help him in fighting against some of his enemies in Ihiala who had been

Harassing his subjects. [He then] promised to crown him [Dioha] the Eze (king/chief of the town) if he could decisively defeat [them]. They made a covenant to this effect. Dioha agreed and said that he was going to do so “maka ihi Dara” (for the sake of Dara). This phrase was shortened to “Ihi Dara” which in Onitsha dialect became “Ihiala.”

The tradition also showed the roles Nri priests played in warfare in the past. Dioha, before going to war, is said to have contacted an Nri priest, Ejimoke, to prepare a war medicine for him called “egbu rie omapkuru” (lit. obedient follower), which ensured that those who drank it would be his loyal warriors. The priest himself, who was the first person to drink his medicine to test its efficacy, quickly volunteered to lead the warriors. Others who took the medicine included Dimogo, probably a relative of Dara, and hunters from the nearby Ohakpu village. Dioha, with his enthusiastic and frenzied warriors, defeated the Ihiala people and took over the traditional rulership of the town. He rewarded his warriors by giving them land to settle, and some of them became the progenitors of the Umudiomogu and Ubahuekem quarters of Ihiala.

A similar development occurred in Ozubulu, a town that is said to have derived its name from Ubulu-Ukwu in western Igboland. According to tradi tion, when Ubulu-Ukwu immigrants, who fled during a war with the Benin Empire, arrived in the town, they waged a war against the autochthones called Akpulu, using missiles (agha mpiti) to defeat them. The immigrants then took over the traditional rulership of the town, displacing the autochthones.

In addition, Ohaffia traditions suggest that some refugees from the Benin Empire called the “Mben” settled among the autochthonous inhabitants, called Nta, during the Benin-Idah war (1515–1516). The Nta are said to have been concerned about the settlement of the Mben and their encroachments on their farmland. They therefore attempted to stop the intruders, saying “Oha ofia bu nke anyi” (lit. all the land is ours), shortened to “Ohaffia,” (the current name of the town).

The leader of the Mben, called Okpokpo, who claimed to be a comman der of the Benin army, had fled with his wife, Orieji, and their relatives during the Benin-Idah war. The reasons why Okpokpo, who was probably a straggler in the Benin army, had to flee are unknown. But their first place of sojourn was the riverain town of Ndoni, whose ruler, Owo, is said to have welcomed them warmly in the hope that Okpokpo would lead his warriors and help in defeating some Egbema and Ahoada communities that were at war with him Okpokpo, after vanquishing the communities, was soon expelled by Owo for undermining his authority. He and his relatives immigrated to the Andoni area, near Opobo, but due to the hostility of the people, they moved and settled in the Igbo hinterland village of Isieke-Ibeku in Umuahia area, forming its Umuajiji quarter. The relations between the Mben and their hosts, however, soured, and soon escalated into open hostility and mutual suspi cion. The sudden departure of the Mben from Umuajiji is said to have been triggered by a false alarm associated with a woman preparing a late meal at night:

As she was [about] to get some calabashes containing some food condiments from a raffia wicker (ngu ukoku) above the fire place, she slipped and the calabashes crashed [on] the floor. The ensuing noise was inflated by the silence of the night. The Umuajiji mistook the noise for war signal...panic spread and [they] quickly hurried out of [their settlement] under the cover of darkness.

It was from Isieke-Ibeku that the Mben migrated through Bende to settle at Elu Ohaffia. But on their way, Okpokpo’s wife gave birth to Abam, who is said to be the progenitor of a community named after him.53 Although the Benin emigrants changed the history of many communities, the political impact of the Benin Empire on the Western and Niger Igbo has continued to draw partisan debates among historians and social scientists.

The Benin Empire and the Western and Niger Igbo

The encounter of the Western Igbo with the Benin Empire changed their traditional political system. For example, the Obas often appointed either their sons or their brothers as chiefs (Enigie) of the tributary communities and held their deposed authority holders hostage in the royal capital, where they were exposed to Benin cultural tutelage. The “acculturated” authority holders were later allowed to return home and play subordinate roles in the administration of their communities.

The new political hierarchy, headed by Enigie and their subordinate chiefs, created tensions in the Benin Empire, and as Egharevba pointed out, tributary states like Agbor and Akure were reputed for their rebelliousness.

Benin influences are also noticeable in the settlement patterns and mil itary organizations of the Western Igbo. Many of them began to live in more compact settlements and towns—paralleling military encampments— that helped their inhabitants to defend themselves more effectively against outside intrusions. The towns, as D. Ohadike pointed out,

[were organized] on a war footing, [divided] into sections, each section being placed under a non-hereditary war chief, fashioned after Benin, and bearing such Edo-derived titles as Iyase, Onishe, Ezoma, and Uwolo.

Edit: picture explanation
First 2 pictures are screenshots of our predictions. Last 2 screenshots are the names and photos of the NYSC kidnappers.

Weeks ago, we predicted that the NYSC kidnappers were not Igbos simply by the way that the nigerian government responded. They were reluctant to release the names of the kidnappers, and only released it after weeks, when new kidnappings had occurred and this instance had fallen out of the news cycle. They also didn’t explicitly state their regions of origin. Both of these indicate that they are hiding the ethnic backgrounds of the perpetrators.

Whenever an Igbo commits a crime, the nigerian government is quick to empathize the name and their region of origin to scapegoat Igbos, but when it is not, they do not engage in this behavior. If any Igbos are present, they use that as an excuse to engage in collective punishment against Igbos who weren’t involved, even if the perpetrators actions were not ethically motivated(January coup)

The fact that we can identify if the perpetrators are Igbo or not based on how the nigerian goverment reports on it and whether they are giving identifying evidence to scapegoat their ethnic group is telling of their bias in reporting.

The evidence shows that the nigerian government also lies and attributes crimes to IPOB even when the evidence suggest otherwise

The fact that they frame literal unknown gunmen as IPOB shows how far nigerian demonization of IPOB has gotten.

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2025/01/insecurity-criminals-kidnappers-herdsmen-disguise-as-ipob-esn-nextier-experts/

Amnesty international reports show how the nigerian army uses this IPOB hysteria to ethnically profile Igbos as a whole and commit abuses against us

https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/AFR4407192026ENGLISH.pdf

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/08/nigeria-thousands-killed-hundreds-forcibly-disappeared-two-years-south-east/

https://www.amnesty.org/ar/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/AFR4452112016ENGLISH.pdf

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/08/nigeria-at-least-115-people-killed-by-security-forces-in-four-months-in-countrys-southeast/

Even international observers have noticed, hence why The global terror index has stopped recording IPOB as terrorist

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/03/global-terrorism-index-retracts-ipob-as-terrorist-organisation/

It has also been documented that nigeria minimizes atrocities of its preferred groups. when jihadist and fulani herdsmen commit atrocities, nigeria spends 9 million on a propoganda campaign to downplay their atrocities to western media. There have been numerous times when boko haram has openly stated that they committed a crime and nigeria denied it and downplayed it. We remember that plane that was stolen that boko haram claimed responsibility for and nigeria denied it. Now boko haram openly states they are committing genocide against Christians and again, nigeria denies it.

Edit: we also remember when jihadist admitting to killing high ranking nigerian officers. And nigeria denied it only for us to realize it was true weeks later.
El rufai openly admitted to this dynamic when he said “boko haram jihadist and kidnappers are just doing business but IPOB is trying to destroy nigeria”. They openly rationalized their behavior. nigeria defends jihadist while demonizing IPOB, it is a well documented fact. The fact that herdsmen are still not proscribed while IPOB was proscribed before the creation ESN for peaceful protesting is deeply concerning.

So the fact that the nigerian government refused to suggest that the perpetrators were Igbo in this instance telling that they definitively knew Igbos weren’t involved. We know nigeria goes out of its way to blame Igbos even when the crimes aren’t committed by Igbos. Yet the anti-Igbo BBC still decided to preemptively suggest it was IPOB, claiming that IPOB operated in the region, when IPOB doesn’t operate in Akwa Ibom.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c6gqw8jg7k3go

You know who actually operates both in Igbo land and Akwa Ibom? Boko haram, (the actual perpetrators) but they didn’t entertain that because that reality doesn’t allow them to blame Igbos. If that was the criteria they were using to identify potential perpetrators then they would have accurately identified who it was, but they didn’t. The BBC lied. And they must be held accountable.

I will likely make a separate post on the BBC because they have a long history of stoking anti Igbo sentiments, dating back to colonialism. We all remember the historical negationism “documentary” on the genocide a couple of months ago.

https://www.reddit.com/r/IgboKwenu/s/w4NEHpMWPv

And that is only some of the many anti-Igbo behaviors they have engaged in.

ABBI

Abbi was founded by an Igbo hunter named Amacha, whose original hometown was Achala in eastern Igboland. He is believed to have crossed over to the west bank of the river during one of his hunting expeditions and decided to stay on rather than return to Achala. According to one version of the Abbi traditions, Amacha first stopped at Aboh, where he was welcomed by the inhabitants, who spoke his language. At Aboh, Amacha fathered several children, among whom were Ogwazi, Aninta, and Okolo. After staying at Aboh for many years, however, Amacha decided to move further inland. Accompanied by his sons, he left Aboh and made brief stops at Umuolu, Ashaka, and Utchi and finally arrived at the present site of Abbi. According to this tradition, Abbi is the shortened form of the Igbo expression, kanyi bili nebeni, meaning “‘now let us settle down here (after much wandering).

Amacha became the common ancestor of the maximal lineages of Elovie and Umia while the common ancestor of the Okwere maximal lineage was Udu, a native of Ubulu-Ukwu who had joined Amacha and his family at Abbi. In addition, there sprang up small settlements scattered about on the outskirts of the town.

As already pointed out, the traditions of origin of many of the Ukwuani towns suggest that their most ancient founding fathers came from some already established Igbo settlements, some from east and others from the west of the Niger; these first settlers were later joined by immigrants from Benin, Idah, Ijo, and Urhoboland. Utagba-Ogbe (Kwale), for instance, was founded by immigrants from Utagba-Uno, the latter being twenty-two miles from the former. Amai was founded by immigrants from Aboh and Ubulu-Ukwu, while Emu was an offshoot of Onicha. Onicha, on the other hand, is said to have been related both to Utagba Uno and Utagba Ogbe. Obikwere was founded by immigrants from Onya, a town in the Ase district. Afoh (between Ashaka and Iselegu) is an Ukwuani town of eight quarters. One of these, Obodigbo, is said to be the original village that was at the site of Afor before immigrants from Benin arrived. Like Akwukwu and Asaba, the Ukwuani are a broad mix.

OBIARUKWU AND THE UMU AKASHIADA CONFEDERACY

The traditions of origin of the Ukwuani groups suggest that these people are historically among the most recent settlers in Anioma. This suggestion stems from the fact that most of them claim origin from such existing Igbo settlements as Asaba, Aboh, Onitsha, and Ubulu-Ukwu. On the other hand, only a few of the Ukwuani communities, like Ogume, Okpai, and Ase, make mention of Benin in their traditions of origin, but even so, they do not seem to be anxious to trace their origins to Chima or Essumai.

Obiarukwu is an important Ukwuani town and its early history illustrates the fact that most Ukwuani settlements claim origin from existing Anioma settlements. Obiarukwu is called an inland town. Its inhabitants say that their ancestors arrived at different times, having been attracted to that spot by the clear water of the principal stream and by the very fertile nature of the soil. They also point out that their ancestral homes were only a few miles away.

Obiarukwu is a member of the Akashiada confederacy, whose other members are Umusume, Okuzu, Umuedede, Umuebu, Ezionum, and Eziokpo. The latter is believed to be the senior member of the confederacy, a belief that would seem to be confirmed by the fact that its elders are the keepers of the confederacy’s major shrines. They also have the prerogative to officiate at the major ritual ceremonies of the clan. For instance, the common ritual of ichi-okpala is supervised by the okpala ukwu (most senior elder) of Eziokpo. During the annual sacrifice to the eponymous ancestor, Akashiada, the whole clan meets at Eziokpo for the sacrifice, and the ceremony is led by the okpala-ukwu of Eziokpo. The Abraka, who formerly belonged to the Akashiada confederacy but who later adopted the Urhobo language and customs, have since been excluded from these ceremonies. Moreover, it would appear that neither the Umu Akashiada nor the Abraka seem to harbor any strong desire for a reunion.

Parts of these traditions have been contested, however. Some oral historians have stated that the first immigrants to Obiarukwu were inhabitants from Okuzu quarters, a “‘quarter’’ being a term used by British colonial officials to refer to the ogbe, a sociopolitical unit based on lineage. The Okuzu residents of Obiarukwu claim that their ancestors had left Okuzu, in eastern Igboland, to settle in Aboh and later moved on to take up residence at Umuebu. At Umuebu they felt dissatisfied with their share of the land and decided to move into an uninhabited area now known as Obiarukwu because the land there was better and larger than the land of Umuebu.*? It would appear that in the course of time some of the relatives whom the people of Okuzu had left behind at Aboh also joined their kindred at Obiarukwu. These were the people of Umuedede. As time went on, some other lineages also left Umuebu to join the earlier settlers of Obiarukwu. On the other hand, the people of Umuebu claim that their ancestors came from Ebu (an Anioma community), while the ancestors of those of Ezionum came from Asaba and Utchi.

However complicated the traditions of the these Anioma people may appear, one thing is borne out clearly, namely, that all the quarters of Obiarukwu and the Akashiada confederacy derived from existing Igbo settlements. It is also significant that their institutions and rituals are typically Igbo in character, as illustrated by the ritual authority of the functionary known as Okpala ukwu (the most senior elder), and the absence of a paramount chief (or royal family or Obi) and the observance of ifejioku (the yam cult). Moreover, there is a complete absence of Benin titles at Obiarukwu.

ABBI

Abbi was founded by an Igbo hunter named Amacha, whose original hometown was Achala in eastern Igboland. He is believed to have crossed over to the west bank of the river during one of his hunting expeditions and decided to stay on rather than return to Achala. According to one version of the Abbi traditions, Amacha first stopped at Aboh, where he was welcomed by the inhabitants, who spoke his language. At Aboh, Amacha fathered several children, among whom were Ogwazi, Aninta, and Okolo. After staying at Aboh for many years, however, Amacha decided to move further inland. Accompanied by his sons, he left Aboh and made brief stops at Umuolu, Ashaka, and Utchi and finally arrived at the present site of Abbi. According to this tradition, Abbi is the shortened form of the Igbo expression, kanyi bili nebeni, meaning “‘now let us settle down here (after much wandering).

Amacha became the common ancestor of the maximal lineages of Elovie and Umia while the common ancestor of the Okwere maximal lineage was Udu, a native of Ubulu-Ukwu who had joined Amacha and his family at Abbi. In addition, there sprang up small settlements scattered about on the outskirts of the town.

As already pointed out, the traditions of origin of many of the Ukwuani towns suggest that their most ancient founding fathers came from some already established Igbo settlements, some from east and others from the west of the Niger; these first settlers were later joined by immigrants from Benin, Idah, Ijo, and Urhoboland. Utagba-Ogbe (Kwale), for instance, was founded by immigrants from Utagba-Uno, the latter being twenty-two miles from the former. Amai was founded by immigrants from Aboh and Ubulu-Ukwu, while Emu was an offshoot of Onicha. Onicha, on the other hand, is said to have been related both to Utagba Uno and Utagba Ogbe. Obikwere was founded by immigrants from Onya, a town in the Ase district. Afoh (between Ashaka and Iselegu) is an Ukwuani town of eight quarters. One of these, Obodigbo, is said to be the original village that was at the site of Afor before immigrants from Benin arrived. Like Akwukwu and Asaba, the Ukwuani are a broad mix.

UBULU-UKWU

Ubulu-Ukwu is said to have been founded by immigrants from Afor, a town in the Kwale district. Tradition claims that two brothers, Ezemu and Aniobodo, left Afor to settle at Ubulu-Uno, where they disputed over who would rule the land, a dispute which persuaded Ezemu to leave. He travelled north and founded the town of Ubulu-Ukwu.

Ubulu-Ukwu later emulated many of the elements of Benin political institutions. Most of its titles—Onishe, Iyase, Ojunwa, Ojiba and Ozoma—were derived from Benin. Nevertheless, the present-day people of Ubulu-Ukwu still remember that their Obis did not have to receive their investiture from Benin. As an Ubulu-Ukwu elder put it, "Our Kings have never been crowned by the Obas of Benin. Although we had certain things in common with the Edos, we were never compelled to obtain permission from them before we did anything.’’

ASABA

Most Anioma traditions speak of migrations into Anioma, not out of it, suggesting that there was always enough land for newcomers. We have no evidence of wars resulting from land disputes; instead, we know that many communities admitted people of diverse origins. The growth of Asaba illustrates the way in which newcomers were welcomed and incorporated into existing Anioma communities. Asaba traditions recall that the first settlers in Asaba were Ezeanyanwu and his descendants. Not much is known about the provenance of Ezeanyanwu but his name suggests that he was Igbo and must have come from eastern Igboland. He may have been one of those Igbo men who, as previously discussed, crossed the Niger into Anioma in the earlier centuries in search of fertile lands, meat, and elephant tusks. Several generations later, the descendants of Ezeanyanwu were joined at Asaba by the parents of Nnebisi. Nnebisi’s father was Ikenga, an Igala man, and his mother, whose name oral historians have forgotten, was an Igbo woman from Nteje, near Awka.

As time went on, many more immigrants entered Asaba. Among the newcomers were some Ishan-speaking farmers, traders, and craftsmen. On arrival, the people of Asaba provided them with farmlands and wives. Oral traditions state that the Umunkwo quarters of the Umuezei lineage of Asaba were founded by Nkwo, who had come from an Ishan town. Nkwo, it is said, married Onyebuchi, a daughter of Ezenei, and it was from this union that the present-day people of Umunkwo sprang. However, because Nkwo was a stranger and Onyebuchi a female, the people of Umunkwo could not produce a diokpa (the most senior elder and custodian of ancestral shrines) in Asaba, not even in Umuezei. Like the people of Umunkwo, the occupants of the Ogbe-Ochele quarters of Asaba descended from another immigrant from Ishanland, while the founders of the Idumojei and Umuokwubata lineages came from Osamala and Igalaland, respectively. Finally, the Ogbilo section of the Umuonaje lineage was founded by immigrants from Ijoland.? Thus Asaba exhibited what one might describe as disjointed migration and settlement patterns.

It must be stated that a number of Anioma communities claimed origin from existing Anioma settlements, while a few claimed that they had always occupied their present sites and that their ancestors did not come from any of the places listed above. Some informants cited strange and doubtful traditions that maintained that their founding fathers dropped from the sky with boxes or shells containing sand. At the time of their arrival, they said, these supermen and women from the sky perched on the branches of trees because the land was covered with water, but when sprinkled with sand, it became dry. Such traditions were meant to explain and legitimize the settlers' claims to the lands they occupied. Perhaps these communities might have occupied their present settlements for so long that they forgot the provenance of their founding fathers and, for political reasons, had to invent new traditions or conceal the old ones.

In any case, large numbers of Anioma people are certain of the origins of the first men and women who founded their settlements. As we have seen, many have identified some particular towns in eastern Igboland as the original hometowns of these founding ancestors. As would be expected, most of these towns are within close proximity of Nri and Awka, that is, in the old Onitsha Province, which had experienced a population explosion along with soil deterioration in the earlier centuries. Names like Nteje, Isu, Achala, Okuzu, Nri, Ogidi and Awka feature prominently in these traditions. On the other hand, the Anioma groups with traditions that link them up with the Nri-Awka area include communities within Asaba, Okpanam, Igbuzo, Ogboli, Ogwashi-Ukwu, Illah, Abala, Atuma, Akwukwu, Ute-Okpu, Owa, Abbi, Obiarukwu, Amai, and others. Put another way, insofar as many Anioma groups claim to have come from eastern Igboland, their ancestral homes can be traced to an area situated within a radius of fifty miles from Nri, that is, within the area that is usually associated with the immediate Nri culture complex.

The foregoing claims are confirmed, not only by oral traditions, but also by the sheer fact of proximity, and by the realization that the Nri-Awka cultural influences are widespread in Anioma. A close look at the ethnographic patterns of these societies would convince the observer that the foundations of Anioma cultures are strongly linked to the Nri-Awka. Traces of these cultural traits are clearly borne out in the Anioma language, as well as in title associations, the instruments and symbols of leadership and authority, yam cults and festivals, dances, music, the Igbo market days, and the democratic and smallscale nature of these groups’ political institutions. It is not surprising, therefore, that Anioma people should show a clear evidence of closer relationship to the ““Onitsha Igbo” than they should to the Bini, Igala, Yoruba, or even to the other Igbo groups in the Nsukka, Abakiliki, Aro, Orlu, Owerri, Afikpo, and Ikwerre districts.

It would appear that most Anioma movements were inspired by the search for material wealth and spiritual freedom. Most founding fathers have been described as exiles, hunters, or travelling ritual specialists. We have seen that while the founding fathers of Ogwashi-Ukwu, Igbuzo and Ogboli were religious fugitives who had been implicated in cases of law-breaking, Nnebisi, a co-founder of Asaba, was a hunter from Nteje. Also, the founders of the Umuakpanshi and Umutei quarters of Illah have been described as travelling ritual specialists from Nri, while Kanagba, the founder of Obamkpa, whose travels took him as far as to Benin City, was a practicing herbalist from Ogidi.

If we accept that these traditions are reliable, why then did these fugitives, hunters, and ritual specialists from the Nri-Awka region direct their migrations toward Anioma? The stories of medicine-potcarrying exiles notwithstanding, the more persuasive explanation would appear to be largely economic. The present vegetation of the Nri-Awka area is open palm forest although in the distant past it was rain forest. This transformation was due partly to over-cultivation and partly to the fact that the soils suffered from heavy leaching and surface erosion. Onwuejeogwu has suggested that it is for these reasons that the present-day people of Nri have taken more and more to trading, to the relative neglect of farming. It was probably for the same reasons that Nri men travelled widely as itinerant ritual specialists, since agriculture alone could not support the population.

It is difficult to determine precisely when the population density of the Nri-Awka area began to strain the available natural resources. Thurstan Shaw has suggested that at least a thousand years ago the economy of the area was based partly on agriculture and partly on a wide range of commercial contacts with the outside world. The economy also derived much of its sustenance from a high level of artistic craftsmanship that produced bronze objects, such as those that were unearthed at Igbo-Ukwu, and metal products, such as those of Awka smiths. These vocations presupposed trade, and trade meant contact. Thus, the search for fertile land, raw materials, and commerce must have impelled the Nri-Awka men to diffuse among their neighbors.

Naturally, any such diffusion must have begun with contiguous districts if these were rich in natural resources or favorable for trade. We have already observed that a thousand years ago there was enough land in Anioma for newcomers and that the soils were rich. The Niger River, which traversed this part of Igboland, was the most important trade route in West Africa. In addition, the distance from Nri or Awka to Asaba was only about twenty-five miles. This distance could have been covered in one day, and with convenient stops at Enugwu-Ukwu and Ogidi, a round trip on foot would have taken only two days. Also, a journey from Nri or Awka to Agbor with stops at Abagana, Asaba, Ogwashi-Ukwu, and Ubulu-Ukwu would have taken about four days to complete. These estimates were confirmed in 1906 when a colonial administrator, accompanied by a force of troops, marched from Asaba to Umunede (near Agbor), a distance of forty miles, in twenty-one hours. In fact, Nri-Awka migrations into Anioma confirm the view that groups like the Igbo, the Ibibio, and the Efik were essentially autochthonous, and that when they moved, they moved into contiguous districts.

One other factor to consider in examining the diffusion of Igbo speaking peoples is trade. Elephants were abundant in Anioma and ivory was very much coveted by Nri and Awka men. These men needed ivory with which to pay for their copper, lead, and, possibly, iron, as these metals were not mined locally. Ivory was also used for the manufacture of bangles and trumpets. Since Anioma was near at hand and elephants were abundant there, the Nri-Awka men could have acquired their ivory either by trade or by hunting for elephants. Oral traditions collected at Agukwu Nri confirm that Nri men obtained their ivory in Anioma by both methods. They also obtained fish and a number of agricultural products, which they paid for with bronze objects (such as bells), beads, specially designed cloth called akwa akanka, ritual knives, ritual spears, staffs for titled men, red caps, rings, anklets, and amulets.43 Also, Awka smiths and traders sold, made, or repaired metal pots, hoes, knives, guns, powder, and a number of household utensils in Anioma. Over the years, some of these traders, hunters, smiths and ritual specialists must have decided either to settle among their hosts or to establish new settlements nearby, as there was enough land for everyone.

Equally interesting is the fact that until the activities of Nri ritual specialists were proscribed by the colonial administration in 1911, Nri men continued to travel extensively in Anioma, carrying Nri culture with them. They were also the representatives of Eze Nri. Whenever they visited Anioma, they expected and received all the diplomatic privileges and courtesies they enjoyed in the east. A representative of Eze Nri was usually present during the taking of the eze or ozo title. On such occasions he offered the desired prayers and tied the ankle cords on new initiates. The travelling Nri ritual specialists cleansed polluted homes, set standards of moral conduct, and defined acts of abomination. As Richard Henderson has pointed out, the people of Nri acquired these rights because their divine king, Eze Nri, was ‘‘a mythological participant”’ in the creation of the earth. Since his sacrificed children were the first persons to bear the marks of ritual identity purification, Nri gained the right to confer certain emblems of such ritual purification, and since he was the first to develop a ritual relationship to the land, his people gained the right of spiritually cleansing every community of any sins committed against the land (mso-ani or alu).

Most Nri men visiting Anioma were treated as diviners, and so, in addition to cleansing the communities of any sins committed against the land, they offered public prayers at public ceremonies, and private prayers in private homes. An Akwukwu elder who witnessed the activities of these travelling Nri ritual specialists at the turn of the century recalled that when they stopped over in a settlement, they were requested to offer prayers (igo ofo) and to remove misfortunes (ajabu), for which activities they received fees or gifts. They also explained the causes of worries and perplexities (nsogbu uwa) to those who cared to find out, invoked certain powers that would prevent their recurrence, and then prepared the right charms and medicines to protect the users from some malignant, invisible forces. Since the travelling Nri were also fortune-tellers, they elaborated for those who paid the right fees what was going to befall them in the future, whether good or bad.

The unique position which the people of Nri occupied among the Igbo is clearly recorded by Major Arthur G. Leonard, who worked among the Anioma and other Igbo groups in the early twentieth century: ‘‘The street of the Nri family is the street of the gods, through which all who die in other parts of Igboland pass to the Land of the Spirits.” Also, Father Duhaze, who encountered these people in 1906, noted that the Umunri travelled widely in Igboland and influenced the cultures of their host communities. He observed that ‘‘the religious influence of Nri once extended over the whole of igbo country. The Nris were the high priests of the idols, and from their hands the chiefs loved to receive the insignia of office. They regulated even the building of huts for fetishes."

Whereas the activities of Nri ritual specialists were terminated by a colonial enactment in 1911, those of Awka smiths were curtailed by both European commercial competition and Western technology. With the arrival of the steamboat came such mass-produced European hardware as hoes, knives, cutlasses, cooking pots, and even coins. For a while, Awka smiths held on, but after the first few decades of the twentieth century, when their products could no longer compete with imported European goods, they slowly recoiled to their hometown where they occupied themselves largely with the manufacture of a few ritual objects, highly decorated iron gates, and ‘‘home-made”’ guns.

The foregoing discussion suggests several conclusions. First, the most ancient Anioma towns were founded by immigrants from eastern Igboland. Second, these immigrants came from a number of towns situated around Nri and Awka. Third, until recently, a strong cultural link was maintained between the Anioma communities and the eastern Igbo people in the immediate vicinity of Nri-Awka.

It should not be assumed, however, that every Anioma settlement was founded by fresh immigrants from eastern Igboland. The available evidence is that many Anioma settlements were founded or enlarged by immigrants from already established towns and villages of Anioma. Examples of these are communities within Ubulu-Ukwu, Obiarukwu, Amai, Utagba-Ogbe (Kwale), Owa, Owa-Alero, and many others. Let us next examine the traditions of origin of some of these communities.

Title.

Hello,

I’m interested in sources that do deep dives on any historical connections and similarities between Ifá and Afa.

Peer reviewed articles, books, decent documentaries, etc.

Any suggestions or recommendations would be greatly appreciated.

Thank you

If you guys get a chance, please get involved with your local Umu Igbo Unite chapter. They have chapters in various different countries. Including the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Ireland, France and more.

It’s extremely important for Millennial, Gen Z, and Gen Alpha Igbo Youths to stick together, retain our culture, language, and traditions. And pass those down to future generations. While also finding friendship and kin-ship amongst ourselves! Lets all try to get involved in any local Igbo organizations that we can.

The Unity and Progress chant will forever be stuck in my head. Ahaha. It’s impressive how our grandparents, parents, uncles, and aunts were able to recoup and regain themselves and the Igbo community both abroad and back home by coming together in these meetings. To delegate and act upon tasks to invest back in SE Nigeria and abroad.

IGBUZO

"Our great-grandfather was Umejei, the son of Ikenga, the king of Isu,’’ recalled an Igbuzo elder. According to oral tradition, Umejei left Isu because he committed an offense against his people. It seems that Umejei’s wife had a lover, and when Umejei heard of this distressing rumor, he questioned her several times about it, but on each of those occasions the woman denied the story. Umejei then nicknamed her Ishinta anago, that is, "Ishinta who is always denying." Both Ishinta and her lover soon ran out of luck and were caught by Umejei. Overwhelmed with an uncontrollable rage, Umejei killed the man.

The people of Isu gathered to discuss these acts of adultery and murder. Even though they agreed that Umejei had been wronged, they could not overturn the customary law which stipulated that any man who killed another would hang or go into exile. In a different version of the Igbuzo traditions, Umejei supposedly killed a man during a wrestling contest, and never nursed any ill feelings toward him. Regardless which of the traditions is more accurate, to the people of Isu, killing, whether wilful or accidental, was a serious transgression against the earth goddess, ani. No one ever got away with murder in Isu.

Umejei’s father was greatly disturbed when he learned of the tragedy. He gathered together his entire household and vowed not to watch his son die a disgraceful death. He also stated that “‘the son of a king never dies in his father’s presence. He asked Umejei and Umejei’s senior sister, Onuoha, to prepare to go into exile. He prepared a pot of medicine and asked Onuoha to carry it on her head. The party was instructed to travel across the Niger River and settle down wherever the pot miraculously fell off Onuoha’s head.

Onuoha’s husband, Anyala Obum, volunteered to accompany his wife and Umejei. Umejei’s younger brother Abala, joined the group. Oko, Ishiagwu, and Ewulu also accompanied the exiles. The king of Isu gave each of these volunteers a pot of medicine and asked each of them to settle down anywhere his pot fell.

Early the next morning, before the first crow of the cock, the party set out for the unknown. They headed west, but soon after crossing the Niger River, the pots of the travellers fell, one after the other, and each brother cleared the bush and built his settlement as he had been instructed. It was at Omeze in the present-day Igbuzo that Onuoha’s pot fell. Here Umejei, together with his sister and her husband, founded the nucleus of the town that became known as Igbuzo.

After some years’ stay at Igbuzo, Umejei fathered three sons. The first was named Onuma, meaning that it was out of anger that Umejei had killed a man at Isu. The second son was called Oshe-Ukwu, meaning that it was due to the palaver of the great ones that he had to leave his father’s house. The third son was called Oshe-Nta, meaning that Umejei had become so small that no one now asked about him. The people of present-day Igbuzo believe that the nine maximal lineages of their town sprang from the children of Umejei.

These oral narratives might be inaccurate in detail, but they are reliable in outline. For instance, while it is plausible that Umejei was the founder of Igbuzo and that he had come from an eastern Igbo town called Isu, it is doubtful that the other Anioma towns of Abala, Oko, Ishiagwu, and Ewulu were founded contemporaneously with Igbuzo by the men who accompanied Umejei. Second, no one can say whether Umejei’s father was the sole ruler of Isu or one of the titled chiefs, ndi eze, of Isu. Third, there are many settlements in Igboland with the name Isu. It is not possible to identify the very one from where Umejei started his journey. One other problem with the Igbuzo, Ogboli, and Ogwashi-Ukwu oral narratives has to do with their claims that the major actors in these ‘‘migrations”’ were exiles, carrying pots of medicine. However, even if these accounts are inaccurate in detail, at least they point to the roles of religion and ritual sanctions in directing early Igbo “migrations.” In other words, the early Igbo diffusion cannot be explained in material terms alone.

Whether the first known occupants of Anioma were beckoned by psychological circumstances or not, the overwhelming evidence is that they were Igbo-speaking. The evidence further suggest that these early Igbo-speaking settlers were later joined by other immigrants from other places, as illustrated by the story of Asaba.

https://www.instagram.com/p/Dc6Tn-Ajk9k/

https://www.facebook.com/reel/1420068703338290/

https://punchng.com/my-students-overcame-anxiety-to-win-three-stem-gold-medals-educationist-onyia/

Like how Igbo heads looks deformed , how we are money hungry and stingy how we are wicked and selfish, how some of us think we are the lost tribes of isreal now we aren't and especially why do some women ( I am a woman myself) like to abuse their kid's my mom never did that? My cousin lives with us and she never abused us

I should've posted this when I received the scans long ago

Here is a direct link to the document aswell
Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the fears of Minorities and the means of allaying them

Contrary to what alot of people think, while the foundations of Nigerian Christianity was laid during colonial times, most of the conversion to Christianity is a post colonial thing and including during the colonial period, mostly done by African evangelists.

That said, I am surprised that according to this map, the main centres of Christianity in Southern Nigeria with clear Christian majorities are in Yorubaland and Calabar, While even coastal Igbo territories were at most evenly split.

The ethnicity map also seeming missed Ogoni, labeling their area as Ijaw, so I guess it isn't perfect even though it is mostly correct.

OGWASHI-UKWU AND OGBOLI ORIGINS

The Ogwashi-Ukwu and Ogboli traditions of origin state that the founders of Ogboli-Igbuzo and Ogwashi-Ukwu were born of the same parents. They were the sons of Eze Nshi (Eze Nri Agu), whose period of reign has yet to be determined. Their mother was one of the many wives of the king. Both brothers lived happily with their parents at Nshi until the senior one, Odaigbo, committed murder.

Spilling the blood of a kinsman was a serious offense and, according to the law of the land, the offender must either go into exile or be hanged. Eze Nri Agu and Odaigbo’s mother chose exile for their son. They prepared a pot of medicine for Odaigbo and instructed him to settle down anywhere the pot fell from his head. Edini, Odaigbo’s younger brother (some accounts say that Edini was, instead, Odaigbo’s sister), volunteered to accompany the exile; Edini was also presented with a pot of medicine and given similar instructions. It is believed that Odaigbo and Edini were accompanied into exile by a sizeable party of volunteers in order to lighten their pain and loneliness.

The group left Nri and travelled westward until they got to the Niger River and were ferried across by some riverine traders. They journeyed further west but when they got to Ani Udo, barely three miles from the Niger, Edini’s pot fell to the ground and broke. He and his companions cleared the bush and founded there a settlement that later took the name of Ogboli.

After a few days, possibly months, of rest at Ani Udo, Odaigbo and some of his companions resumed their journey westward. Balanced on Odaigbo’s head was his pot of medicine. When the party got to Eke, somewhere near the present site of Ogwashi-Ukwu, Odaigbo’s pot fell from his head and broke. The party stopped, cleared the bush, and founded a new settlement there.

The years rolled by and Odaigbo became the father of four sons: Dei, Eshe, Ase, and Etumukwu. Odaigbo became a prosperous man and built an ogwa (a shrine or meeting shed) in memory of his father and the home he left behind. This ogwa was very large and because it was fashioned after his father’s meeting shed at Nshi, passers-by spoke of it as ogwa ukwu nwa eze Nshi. This term was equally applied to the settlement which grew around it. In later days, however, this term was shortened to Ogwa-Nshi-Ukwu, which the British mispronounced as Ogwashi-Uku.

At Ani Udo, Edini also prospered. He became the father of Ezekeke, Ezekeke the father of Umuokpala, Umuokpala the father of Umuodogwu, Umuodogwu the father of Achoshia, Achoshia the father of Odogwu. Oral historians believe that many of the Ogboli clans that dot Anioma today were formerly the inhabitants of the original Ogboli community that was founded by Edini in Ani Udo. They also believe that the Benin-Anioma wars played a major role in dispersing the original residents of the Ogboli community, forcing them to abandon their homes at Ani Udo. Some moved closer to Igbuzo, where their new settlement became known as Ogboli-Igbuzo. Some moved to Issele-Ukwu to occupy the Ogboli-Issele-Ukwu quarters. Many more moved to Atuma and Akwukwu, while a large party fled across the Niger river to settle in Ogboli-Onitsha. Till this day, these Anioma communities still boast that they are umu Nshi, that is, the children of Nri.